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The term Queen is commonly used to refer to a hereditary female ruler or a wife of a ruler. However, not all female rulers or royals are called Queen. Some bear other titles, such as Princess or Duchess, depending on their rank and relation to the monarch. The titles of King, Chief and Prince are usually reserved for men. The distinction in title usage is rooted in historical and cultural norms, but some monarchies have adapted gender-neutral titles. In places where ranking by gender is irrelevant to office, it is common to refer to women as King or its equivalent. For example, in some parts of Asia, female monarchs are addressed as female King or female Emperor. The Woman King movie, based on a true story about the Agojie female soldiers who served the kingdom of Dahomey in West Africa (now Benin), popularized the concept of ‘Woman King’ by introducing it to a global audience. The Agojie were known for their courage, skill and loyalty, and they played a crucial role in defending their homeland from the colonial invaders and internal enemies.

In Mandinka (also known as Mandingo, a Niger-Congo language) the word for King is Mansah, which does not indicate the gender of the monarch. Therefore, adjectives are used to specify whether the king is male or female, such as Mansah Keh (male king) or Mansah Musso (female king). However, this is not the case in all African cultures as different titles are used for male and female monarchs. For instance, in Setswana, the King is called Kgosi and his wife, the Queen, is Kgosigadi. In isiZulu, the King is Ingonyama and Chief is iNkosi. The Queen or Queen mother is called iNdlovukazi or Ndlovukati in isiSwati. In isiXhosa, the King is uKumkani and the Queen is uKumkanikazi; Hosi and Hosikati in Xitsonga. In Sesotho, the Chief or Paramount Chief is Morena and his wife (Queen) is Mofumahadi.

Hosi Tinyiko Nwamitwa II (also known as Hosi Shilubana). (Photo credit: www.unisa.ac.za)

Historically, women were not allowed to play significant roles in traditional leadership affairs, especially in most African cultures. Succession to the traditional leadership positions was mainly patrilineal, which only gave sons (in the order of birth) the opportunity to succeed their fathers. The system, known as male primogeniture or male-preference primogeniture, precluded daughters regardless of being the firstborns from being considered in the line of succession (Matemba 2005:2). Thus, if the king did not have male heirs, succession was passed on to the royal male relatives (e.g. his siblings or uncles). Male-preference primogeniture was also practised in most European countries, but their laws were sometimes amended to absolute primogeniture, in which the children of a monarch or chief had preference in order of birth from the eldest to youngest regardless of their gender.

Many traditional communities in southern Africa have seen women ascend to leadership roles and now addressed by the titles once reserved for men only, such as Chief or King. For instance, Kgosi Gaboilelwe Moroka, daughter of the late Kgosi Mokgopa Moroka of Barolong boo Seleka, and Hosi Tinyiko Nwamitwa-Shilubana, the daughter of the late Hosi Fofoza Nwamitwa of the Valoyi traditional community, are examples of such women. They represent the changing dynamics of gender and power in African societies, as well as the role of women in politics, leadership and other spheres of life. There are many more examples of female leaders in South Africa and its neighbouring countries, who have taken on the same titles (e.g. Kgosi, Hosi, Nkosi and etc.) as their male predecessors.

Kgosi Gaboilelwe Moroka.

Kgosigolo Mosadi Seboko, a daughter of the late Kgosi Seboko, became the first female Paramount Chief of the Balete of Botswana. There is anecdotal evidence that when she was born in 1950, her father said with disappointment that his heir was a woman, not knowing that she would become the first female Kgosigolo (Paramount Chief) of his people. Kgosigolo Mosadi also makes reference to some notable twentieth-century female regents such as Ntebogang of the Bangwaketse and Pulane Moremi of the Batawana as precedents. They have challenged an old Tswana saying that states “ga di ke di etelelwa ke namagadi kwa pele di wela ka lengope/ ya etelelwa ke e namagadi pele e wela ka lengope (meaning that men led by a woman will lose direction”).

The oral tradition of Batswana holds many examples of female leaders in the past. One such example is the story of how the Bahurutshe people came into being. According to it, the Bakwena clan split into two groups after the passing of their chief, Malope. He had a daughter named Lehurutshe or Mohurutshe by his senior wife and a son named Kwena by his second wife. Some members of the clan wanted Lehurutshe to become the chief as she was the eldest child of the senior wife. However, others opposed this idea and claimed that a woman could not be their ruler when there was a male heir. This conflict eventually led to a division. The history of the Bakgatla also mentions that the separation of Bakgatla ba ga Mmanaana (now found at Thamaga and Moshupa in Botswana) and Bakgatla ba ga Kgafela (now found at Mochudi) began when Kgafela, a female leader, assumed the regency after the death of her husband. She faced resistance from some of her subjects who did not accept a woman as their ruler. Yet another example is the Bakgoro clan who make reference to a female king (kgosi ya mosadi) named Masetlhodiane or Masetlhodiana.

Kgosigolo Mosadi Seboko. (Photo credit: cguardiansun.co.bw)

Among the Balobedu of Limpopo province in South Africa succession was mainly through the female line (matrilineal). The name Modjadji, also known as Rain Queens, refers to a line of baroka (female rulers) famous for their ability to control clouds and rainfall. The secrets of rainmaking were passed down from mother to the eldest daughter. The history of south-east Africa and the Zulu Kingdom is also rich with stories of female leadership and power. For example, women like Queen Nandi, the mother of King Shaka, and Queen Monase, who influenced the Zulu politics and culture in the late 1700s and early 1800s, were true champions of the Zulu people. Similarly, among the Akan of Ghana, female traditional leaders, particularly the Queen mothers, play significant roles. They are recognized as co-rulers in the traditional political system and share responsibilities with the King or Chief regarding the affairs of their communities.

Some argue that the recognition of female traditional leaders is a source of contention for traditional communities who feel that it violates the succession rules and threatens the legitimacy of traditional leadership as an institution (Chauke 2015: 36). However, it is evident that traditional attitudes are also changing in line with the constitution as it recognises gender equality and respects customary laws.

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